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Wool: War Memorial (Dorset)
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The War Memorial at Wool, Dorset (15th September 2007)

Identifications from the CWGC database:

First World War:

W. J. Bishop — Private William James Bishop (Service No: 2120), 1st/4th Bn., Dorsetshire Regiment; died 23 December 1916, aged 22; name recorded on the Kirkee 1914-1918 Memorial, India (Face D.); son of W. F. and Annie Frances Jane Bishop, of 7, Station Rd., Wool, Dorset:,%20WIL…

R. J. Bowering — Private R. J. Bowering (Service No: 3/8416), 1st Bn., Dorsetshire Regiment; died 2 May 1915; buried in Bailleul Communal Cemetery Extension, Nord, France (I. A. 160.); [on the 1st May 1915, the 1st Bn., Dorsetshire Regiment suffered many casualties from a gas attack while in the line at Hill 60, near Ypres; the battalion war diary reports Bowering (and over 60 others) as "killed in action" the following day, presumably the result of this attack]:,%20R%20J

V. Churchill — Private Victor Churchill (Service No: 10707), 5th Bn., Dorsetshire Regiment; died 22 August 1915; name recorded on the Helles Memorial, Turkey (Panel 136 to 139.); [Information from the Keep Military Museum states that Churchill was born at Milborne St. Andrew, enlisted at Dorchester, and killed in action between Aire Kayak and Susak Kuyu, Suvla, on Aug. 22, 1915]:,%20V…

C. T. Davis — Private Charles Tom Davis (Service No: 12608), 5th Bn., Dorsetshire Regiment; died 21 August 1915; name recorded on the Helles Memorial, Turkey (Panel 136 to 139.) [Information from the Keep Military Museum states that Davis was born at Wareham, enlisted at Dorchester, and was killed in action during the assault on Turkish trenches between Aire Kayak and Susak Kuyu, Suvla, on Aug. 21, 1915]:,%20CHARL…

R. G. Hansford — Able Seaman Reginald Gordon Hansford (Service No: J/19139), Royal Navy (H.M.S. "Black Prince."); died 31 May 1916, aged 19; name recorded on the Portsmouth Naval Memorial; son of Mrs. Hansford, of 60, Church Rd., Wool, Dorset; [HMS "Black Prince" was a Duke of Edinburgh-class armoured cruiser, sunk during the Battle of Jutland with the loss of all 857 crew]:,%20R…

M. G. E. Leak — Lance Corporal Montague Eli George Leak (Service No: 24595), 10th Bn., Duke of Cornwall’s Light Infantry; died 5 August 1916; name recorded on the Thiepval Memorial, Somme, France (Pier and Face 6 B.); [10th (Service) Bn., DCLI were a pioneer battalion (the Cornwall Pioneers) and in August 1916 formed part of 2nd Division during the Battle of the Somme]:,%20MONTAG…

W. Ricketts — Lance Serjeant Walter Ernest Ricketts (Service No: 6881), 1st Bn., Scots Guards; died 11 November 1914; name recorded on the Ypres (Menin Gate) Memorial, Ieper, West-Vlaanderen (Panel 11); [the 1891 and 1901 census returns include a Walter E. Ricketts living at Kimmeridge with his parents Emmanuel and Georgina Ricketts; by the time of the 1911 census, Emmanuel and Frances Georgina were living at Wool, although there is no longer any sign of Walter (who by then would have been around 21 years old); Walter was born at Kimmeridge, although his parents had previously lived at Coombe Keynes; the relevant Soldiers Died in the Great War entry states that Walter Ernest Ricketts was born and resident at Wareham (which would include both Kimmeridge and Wool) and that he had enlisted at Weymouth]:,%20WA…

F. D. Stevens — Private Frederick David Stevens (Service No: 38950), 5th Bn., Royal Berkshire Regiment; died 25 May 1918, aged 28; name recorded on the Pozières Memorial, Somme, France (Panel 56 and 57.); son of Austin and Mary Elizabeth Stevens, of 41, Quarr Hill, Wool, Dorset; [in May 1918, the 6th (Service) Bn., Royal Berkshire Regiment were part of 25th (Eastern) Division, based around Mailly Maillet, Somme, France]:,%20FR…

R. Torevell — Private R. Torevell (Service No: 8222), 2nd Bn., Dorsetshire Regiment; died 14 September 1915; buried in Amara War Cemetery, Iraq (V. D. 10.); son of Mrs. J. E. Torevell, of 52, Spring St., Wool, Wareham, Dorset:,%20R

O. P. Whiting — Private Oscar Penny Whiting (Service No: 39769), 1st Bn., Wiltshire Regiment; died 26 April 1918; name recorded on the Tyne Cot Memorial, West-Vlaanderen, Belgium (Panel 119 to 120.); [On the 26 April 1918, 1st Bn., Wiltshire Regiment were involved in an engagement known as the 2nd Battle of Kemmel (a phase of the Battles of the Lys). As part of 25th Division, 1/Wilts role was to counter-attack as part of an ultimately unsuccessful Anglo-French attempt to recapture Kemmel village]:,%20OSC…

N. S. Wright — Flight Sub-Lieutenant Noel Stafford Wright, Royal Naval Air Service; died 18 September 1917, aged 18; buried in Bailleul Communal Cemetery Extension, Nord, France (III. E. 185.); son of Walter Southey Wright and Caroline Maud Wright, of The Firs, Wool, Dorset; [Wright’s father was a local GP; Brian Bates’s book on Dorchester war memorials says that Wright joined the RNAS as a pilot, "He flew with the 1st Squadron, attached to the Hawke Btn of the Royal Naval Division … On 18 September [1917] Noel was flying with Capt. J Manley RFC over the British side of the lines near Neuve-Église [Nieuwkerke], Belgium, when their Sopwith Triplane Scout collided with a Spad VII biplane" (Brian Bates, Dorchester remembers the Great War (Frampton: Roving Press, 2012) p. 183); No 1 Naval Squadron were based at East Aerodrome in Bailleul from June to November 1917]:,%20NOEL…

Second World War:

G. Ackerman — Able Seaman Arthur George Ackerman (Service No: P/J 103230), Royal Navy (H.M.S. Royal Oak); died 14 October 1939, aged 34; name recorded on the Portsmouth Naval Memorial, Hampshire (Panel 33, Column 2); husband of Elsie May Ackerman:,%20A…

E. Courtenay — Sergeant Ernest John Courtenay (Service No: 2220217), Royal Air Force Volunteer Reserve, 44 Sqdn. (trade:Air Gnr.); died 27 July 1944, aged 19; buried in La Boissiere-sur-Evre Communal Cemetery, Maine-et-Loire, France (coll. grave.); son of John Robert and Annie Eliza Courtenay, of Wool, Dorsetshire:,%20…

E. Dredge — Lance Serjeant Ernest Charles Dredge (Service No: 7875317), 52nd Royal Tank Regiment, R.A.C.; died 9 May 1944, aged 37; buried in Naples War Cemetery, Italy (II. C. 11.); son of Austin and Ada Dredge; husband of Kathleen Elizabeth Dredge, of Bovington Camp, Dorsetshire:,%20ERN…

F. Heard — Able Seaman Francis Heard, Merchant Navy (S.S. Benlawers (Leith)); died 6 October 1940, aged 29; name recorded on the Tower Hill Memorial, London (Panel 16); husband of Nellie Heard, of Stoborough, Dorsetshire:,%20FRANCIS

W. McTaggart — Private William McTaggart (Service No: 13095403), Pioneer Corps; died 5 March 1942, aged 38; buried in Wool (Holy Rood) Churchyard and Extension, Dorset (Grave 69.); son of James and Elizebeth McTaggart; husband of Eleanor May McTaggart, of East Stoke:,%20…

E. Sheppard — Marine Edward Sheppard (Service No: PLY/21767), Royal Marines (H.M.S. Capetown.); died 11 April 1941, aged 39; buried in Khartoum War Cemetery, Sudan (2. D. 15.); son of Thomas and Amy Sheppard; husband of Dorothy Anna Sheppard, of Wool, Dorsetshire:,%20E…

E. Smith — Not possible to identify unambiguously.

W. Smith — Sapper William Smith (Service No: 2198864), 651 Artisan Works Coy., Royal Engineers; died 10 July 1945, aged 41; buried in Purbeck Vineyard Church, East Burton (west of church.); son of Mr. and Mrs. W. Smith, of East Burton:,%20WILLIAM

W. Turner — Stoker 1st Class Walter William John Turner (Service No: P/KX 1041), Royal Navy (H.M.S. Somali); died 24 September 1942; name recorded on the Portsmouth Naval Memorial, Hampshire (Panel 68, Column 3.):,%20WAL…

I. Jones — Corporal Idris Jones (Service No: 7880938), 4th. Royal Tank Regiment, R.A.C.; died 6 December 1941, aged 34; name recorded on the Alamein Memorial, Egypt (Column 21.); son of Ambrose and Alice Jones; husband of Elizabeth Jones, of Wool, Dorsetshire:,%20IDRIS

Situated Meaning in the Empire of the Indexes
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My understanding of Pierce in this description is sorely misguided. Icons are a seperate class of sign.

I have been claiming that while the Westerners tend to be very "logocentric" or linguistic, Japanese are more inclined to concentrate on visual information, especially when it involves themselves. Hence Westerners care about linguistic self-expression, and carry around with them an "Other" or "Superaddressee" that reflects their speech acts upon themselves. And Japanese care about visual self expression (clothes items, things, pointing) and carry around with them, a "mirror in their head" (Heine and Takemoto, et. al).

However, lately I have been forced to realise that Jane Bachnik is right and I was wrong: It is not that the West is linguistic and Japan is "occular," nor even that Western signs are sounds rather than images, but rather it the difference is in the way that Japanese and Westerners use signs, or the type of signs that they use.

Jane Bachnik claims that Japan is (to paraphrase Barthes) "the empire of the *indexes*".

What are indexes? Indexes are a type of sign, in American linguist Pierce’s taxonomy of signs. Their most famous subgroup are icons, such as on your computer screen. Icons are strictly speaking, indexes that have a resemblance to that which they represent, such as the famous trashcan which represents the deletion of computer files and thus has a likeness to its meaning. More purely indexical is the Nike logo, called a "swoosh," which gets to mean "Nike" by virtue of the fact that it is printed on all their products and displayed at the end of their adverts, rather than by its similarity to a running shoe. Indexes get their meaning by their "contiguous relationship" with the thing that they refer to. That means that they are often displayed at the same time in the same place, or immediately before or afterwards in time and space. Many of the typical examples of indexes are natural phenomena related causally, hence smoke is an index for fire, thunder an index for lightening (and vice versa), and the mercury in a thermometer is an index for the temperature. Perhaps the important thing about indexes is that they have a direct, one-to-one relationship with that which they represent. As mentioned in my previous post, indexical thought may have a lot in common with "savage thought" as defined by Levi-Strauss. Indexes are one part of the word, used as a sign for another part.

What other types of signs are there? That a sign has a direct one to one relationship with that which it represents may seem pretty much the way that all signs are. But Saussure, and even ancient Buddhists have pointed out that linguistic signs (at least in the West!) are defined by their relationship to other signs, "cat" is understood by its relationship to "bat," and "dog." Phonemic words (at least) mean, have meaning, by virtue of not being other words.

Returning to indexes, another famous example of an index is a pointing finger. It has meaning because you can see what it is pointing at. Jane Bachnik proposed the theory that indexes are important to the Japanese from consideration of the importance of such words such as inner and outer ("uchi" and "soto") or front and back ("omote" and "ura"), which are used extensively to describe social interactions. Like pointing fingers however, these spacio-metaphorical words have meaning in contextual locations, and shift their meaning depending upon who is saying them. Inner (uchi) e.g. my family, for me will be outer (soto) for you and vice versa. Bachnik struggles with this shifting aspect of indexes, and I believe emphasises their shiftiness more that I do. Indeed, I think that is were Bachnik and I differ. For Bachnik indexes are inherently shifty and subjective, but for me, I think it depends upon the culture from which one looks upon them. I will come back to this point but first I will introduce some examples of where Bachnik’s theory of Japan as the empire of the indexes is useful.

A few days ago I was out in a river bay on my kayak and at 6 o’clock, or one or two minutes before or after came the sound of the tannoy sound system that announce this time (and perhaps that it is time for dinner, time to go home from the rice fields) to the local inhabitants. Some of the 6-oclock-sounds were simply sirens, others were the melodies from folk songs (often Scottish, for reasons unknown) and there was one sound of someone ringing a temple bell. Since they localities around the bay were slightly out of sync, the continued for about 5 minutes, before the bay returned to silence. These sounds can be heard at least twice a day, also at noon. In some rural prefectures the local town hall will make announcements such as "the primary school children have all safely returned from their school trip." Sticking to the noon and 6pm sirens, it is clear that that they are phonic not visual signs, so bang goes my theory that the Japanese are into their visuals. This is a very Japanese, very phonic sound. It is also an index. The sounds get their meanings (certain times of day) by occurring at those times of day, contiguously with the little hand of the clock pointing at six.

More importantly, it would be very untrue to suggest that the Japanese do not place considerable significance on language, but the way that they do it is different. It is easy to point to areas in which, from a Western, logocentric point of view, the Japanese do not seem to place a great deal of importance upon language. "Japan is a society without dialogue" as Nakajima points out, (Taiwa no Nai Shakai), in which university students never ask questions, decisions are made before committees deliberate (and debate) on the issues, political debate tends toward the grey with the manifestos of all parties being very much the same, rules are often reinterpreted in surprising ways (e.g. "scientific whaling"), there is a lot of flattery ("oseiji"), and there are books extolling the vagueness of the Japanese. At the same time however, there are some instances in which it is clear that Japanese take words *really* seriously.

Today there was a tragic story in the only English language "Japan Today" news site. An eight year old Japanese girl committed suicide apparently because she had been the victim of bullying. And the bullying consisted (perhaps solely, since the culprit remains unknown) in finding the word "die" written on her pencil case and books. As the father of a daughter my heart goes out to the parents. At the same time, as a Westerner I find myself confused. In Anglophone countries it has become vogue (and the subject of pop song lyrics) to tell people to go away and die in far more offensive language, but I doubt that many or any of the "victims" feel as traumaticised as this 8 year old did. It is clear that some words can be very offensive in Japan, and that the Japanese can take them very seriously with tragic results.

That Japanese take bad words seriously is supported by the fact that there are few expletives in Japanese. Instead of accusing someone you intensely dislike of being incestuously involved with their mother, one claims that their mothers belly button sticks out. The word for the female sex organs is felt to be so rude that it can not be used, so that Japanese sex educators have had to experiment with the use of "girl willy."

A Japanese teacher of debating skills bewails the aforementioned lack of debate in Japan, ascribing it to the belief in the spirit of words. He argues that debate requires that one examine the pros and cons, the positive and negative outcomes of an act. Japanese do not like to talk about negative outcomes, lest they come true as a result, so debate is often avoided. Hence it is precisely the belief in *the power of words* motivates the avoidance of dialogue.

This phenomena again relates to the theory of indexes. Indexes have meaning by their direct relationship with that which they mean, rather than by their position in a language or discourse. Thus the word death may conjure up the state and event of death far more strongly among Japanese (who avoid even homonyms of the word), than among Anglophones for whom death is associated with life and birth. Speaking the word "death" to an indexical thinker may even bring death upon them, but speaking the word death to a linguistic dialogic thinker may bring them to life.

That Japanese see words as being particularly disturbing is often related to their belief in "word-spirits" (kotodama, shinko). This is the ancient belief that words hare imbued with spirit such that their utterance can make the word come true. Hence for this reason, certain words weakly related to the concept of divorce (such as "go home") are avoided at Japanese weddings lest they encourage the bride to "go home to her parents" and divorce the groom.

Finally, returning to Bachniks feeling that indexes shift more than other types (our types) of sign, I can not agree. Words in western society, even those that underpin our society, such as freedom and justice, good and bad, are interpreted in many ways. That they share particular interpretations, and remain important to us, is the result of a cultural practice of internalising language via the "Other" "Generalised Other" or "Superaddressee" of language. This linguifying of the psyche does not have to be done, and the Japanese do not do it. On the other hand, that Japanese identify far more greatly with the visual self representations, theire face, and with "lococentric" (Lebra) clasifications of society such as inner and outer (uchi and soto) does not imply that Japanese society is more shifting, but rather that they have learnt to internalise a co-experiencer, a mirror in their head (Heine and Takemoto et al.), something with which to nail the context down, to sew the subjective worlds of experience, these fish-bowls together.

A long quote from Bachnik
Bachnik, J. M. (1998). Time, space and person in Japanese relationships. Interpreting Japanese Society. Anthropological Approaches. London: Routledge, 91–116.

98 This is an important point. At issue are two different approaches to language (and the world outside ourselves): through reference (namin) and through the distance cline that the speaker signnals between self and other. The second approach relates more closely to Charles Franklin’ Peirce’s system of Signs than it does to that of Ferdinand d Saussure. Peirce’s approach to signs is defined in terms of relationships and breaks down into tripartite sets of relationships between symbol, icon, and index. The index, considered by Peirce t obe the most important of the three kinds of signs, communicates a relationship between teh entity signalled and the signalling entity (smoke is an index of fire, a rap on teh door is an idex of someone seeking entry; see hartshorne and Weiss, 1931; Buchler, 194).

More pertinent to this discourse, a pointing finger is also an index, which "is based upon the idea of identification, or drawing attention to, by pointing (Lyons {p99} 177: 637). For example, ‘this’ and ‘that’, here and there, now and then -all these are pointers from the speaker’s perspective. The speaker as I anchors the discourse as the zero-point from which spatio-temporal distance is gauged; the relationship between speaker and addressee (and or referen), which indexing communicates, is also spatio-temporal. My user here of the term ‘index" corresponds to the meaning of the term "deixis'(note 6)

Indexes are thus performative, rather than purely referential. ‘I’ does more than simply name the spekaer – I is also in space and time, the very I who is uttering this statement here and now. To put this even more strongly, I is what alloes here and now to be understood in the first place. Seen in this way, pronous are pointers, and one of the major functions which I performs is that of locating, anchoring the discourse (ibid.; Benveniste, 1971:226)

These two persepectives on language – reference and indexing – can be related to the two perspectives of self and other.

In the notes the author updates her paper to call her "index" a referential index.

Fun In the Water!
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